MICHAEL LYON'S ORIGINAL EMAIL, SUBSEQUENT ORIGINALS FOLLOW: ALL LETTERS ARCHIVED AT SPIRIT OF 1848 WEBSITE ALSO "How to Talk to Business about Health Care Reform" The November 15 2003 Physicians for a National Health Program convention in San Francisco featured a talk "How to Talk to Business about Health Care Reform" by Deb Richter, MD.  Dr Richter has spent the last two years speaking to small business in Vermont, making many of her contacts through Rotary Clubs. Her overall point: "The business community is a potential influential and powerful ally in health care reform. They are rapidly recognizing they are losing out in the health care financing mess." I disagree with this conclusion, but she makes valid and very interesting assumptions that we must consider.  On one hand, they are very inspiring; but on the other hand, they menacingly suggest a scenario of how severe healthcare rationing could take place. Dr. Richter's points cover three main themes:  (All quotes are from notes distributed for the talk.) First:  The only effective way to reduce health costs is to reduce the health infrastructure:   *  "Most of the costs of services are fixed costs (buildings, supplies, staffing that you have to pay for whether they are used or not."  (She estimates 70% of the health dollar is infrastructure.)   *  "Cost containment measures leveled at individual usage, therefore, are ineffective because most costs are fixed."  "Trying to lower cost by limiting individual usage is like buying a car and trying to lessen the cost of it by using it less."   *  "Cost containment is most effective BEFORE the investment in services is made, not after.  Rising costs have everything to do with the amount of infrastructure you have in place."   *  "With all this in mind, it becomes obvious why the most effective way to contain costs is to "right-size" the infrastructure to meet the needs of the population." Second: The distribution of healthcare must be unequal, because our needs are unequal.  Yet all of us are in the high-need group for at least part of our lives.   *  "At any one time, most of the health care dollar is spent on 10% of the population."  (75% of Vermonters spend less than $600 per year on healthcare, but 10% spend more than $35,000.)   *  "Most of the population (80%) uses very little care, so cost containment measures aimed at limiting utilization are not only inefficient, but ineffective." Third:  Patients, healthworkers, and business must decide together how much care we want:    *  "All of us will be in the group that consumes 70% of the care at one or many points in our lives."    *  "Ultimately the only thing we have in common is that we all want health care. That is where you should start.  Another common thread is we all agree health care costs too damn much." *  "To have high quality services available requires a certain volume of patients getting that care per year.  In other words, the people getting care now are keeping the bed warm for you.  Paying for the healthcare of the sick ensures that the hospital and other health care services will be there for you. "   *  "Since the most effective way to contain costs is to tailor the size of the infrastructure to the needs of the population, those making the decisions about the cuts might have to go without certain services if they cut too far.  This increases the chances of keeping a needed service in place."   *  "A decision to invest in services needs to be made by all of us in a public process.  We need to fully understand that when we need to make an investment, we also have to pay for that investment. "   *  "We as a society have to decide what health care services we all want, how much we want it and how much we are willing to pay." What conclusions can we draw from these statements? 1.) First, PNHP gives us an amazing and inspiring vision:  the vision of society as a family that collectively and consciously makes the commitment that its very young, very old, and very sick members will be supported by its healthy and productive members. You don't often seen this. This is really what the PNHP's principle of "Everybody in! Nobody out!" is all about. 2.)  The article is convincing in saying infrastructure reduction is the only effective way to reduce healthcare costs.  A corollary of this statement is that government would need to drive this process, because only the government has the power to restrain investment in healthcare infrastructure, which the hospital-insurer sector of the economy wants as a source of profits.  (Examples of this in the past were the Certificates of Need required for capital investment in health during the 1970s, and the 1995 UCSF Pew Health Policy Report recommending closing half of US hospital and hospital beds, closing 20% of medical schools, nursing programs etc.) 3.)  The article is convincing in saying that deep reductions in the health infrastructure could be made without badly hurting the majority of the population that is in relatively good health, but where the elderly, the sick, the frail, and the disabled would simply go without care. As we have seen,  Dr. Richter is clearly NOT advocating this, yet she shows that the possibility of doing this exists. (Some past examples where this WAS advocated were:  Colorado Governor Richard: Lamm's speeches saying the elderly have the duty to die to free up scarce resources (SF Chronicle, 3-29-84), and  the 1983 Journal of the American Medical Association articles "Health Care Technology and the Inevitability of Resource Allocation and Rationing Decisions" which said:  "The longer people live, the greater the likelihood that they will exhibit chronic disease, have subsequent disability, make use of new and expensive medical technology, and ultimately fall into the category of high-cost users of medical care. ... Only when society is fully able to come to grips with death and dying is it likely that policies and  procedures for decisions not to treat will not only will be formulated, but will also be followed. This period is likely to be hastened as financial constraints force the issue.") 4.)  If these two assumptions are correct,  (infrastructure reduction is the only effective way to control health costs, and there could be deep reductions in infrastructure that would only affect the frail and the sick), then proposing we partner with business in deciding how to "right-size" the health infrastrucure is dangerously naive. There will come a point where health costs have risen to the point where health care profits are too expensive to the rest of the economy, and the business community is ready to adapt single payer. But by the time this happens, the business community will want cost reductions far, far  beyond the savings of eliminating insurer profits and private payer bureaucracy.  Business is already in a quandary about how to care for 20 million new seniors with chronic diseases in the next decade. We need to be realistic about who makes decisions now.  The richest 1% has enough power to amass more wealth than the bottom 80%.  They are not about to give us the same health care as theirs without a fight that goes far beyond health politics and even electoral politics. They are not in the same boat as us.  Whatever they plan for our healthcare will not apply to them, any more than the violence un an unraveling society affects them in their gated communities. What would business' plan be?  This article makes a convincing case: business would  propose reducing the health infrastructure to something that would serve the basic needs of the healthy 80 % of the population. The high-using 20% among us, the old, sick, and frail, would simply go without care. Do you think business would not do that? In Gulf War I they destroyed the Iraqi water system and then prevented its reconstruction, killing a half million kids, all to protect their oil.  Why should our kids be more important?  Or our parents?  The only way to assure we get as good healthcare as the leaders of business is fight them, not partner with them. 5.)  We have a history of fighting.  The most significant social reform laws were passed because of the pressure of millions of people who worked and their families, in social upheavals that shook the foundations of government, and forced passage of Social Security and Unemployment Insurance in the 1930s, and Medicare and Medicaid in the 1960s.  We won Social Security and Unemployment during the Depression, when business and government could least afford it.  As PNPH's Brief History of Universal Healthcare points out ,"... the British and German systems were developed by the more conservative governments in power, specifically as a defense to counter expansion of the socialist and labor parties." 6.) We should all fight for high-quality, universal, comprehensive, single-tier, government-sponsored healthcare.   But we need to be realistic about identifying our friends and enemies. Michael Lyon mlyon01@comcast.net ************************************** ORIGINAL EMAIL FROM DEBBY AND TERRY DORAN OF VT HEALTH CARE FOR ALL "How to Talk to Business about Health Care Reform" The November 15 2003 Physicians for a National Health Program convention in San Francisco featured a talk "How to Talk to Business about Health Care Reform" by Deb Richter, MD.  Dr Richter has spent the last two years speaking to small business in Vermont, making many of her contacts through Rotary Clubs. Her overall point: "The business community is a potential influential and powerful ally in health care reform. They are rapidly recognizing they are losing out in the health care financing mess." I disagree with this conclusion, but she makes valid and very interesting assumptions that we must consider.  On one hand, they are very inspiring; but on the other hand, they menacingly suggest a scenario of how severe healthcare rationing could take place. Dr. Richter's points cover three main themes:  (All quotes are from notes distributed for the talk.) First:  The only effective way to reduce health costs is to reduce the health infrastructure:   *  "Most of the costs of services are fixed costs (buildings, supplies, staffing that you have to pay for whether they are used or not."  (She estimates 70% of the health dollar is infrastructure.)   *  "Cost containment measures leveled at individual usage, therefore, are ineffective because most costs are fixed."  "Trying to lower cost by limiting individual usage is like buying a car and trying to lessen the cost of it by using it less."   *  "Cost containment is most effective BEFORE the investment in services is made, not after.  Rising costs have everything to do with the amount of infrastructure you have in place."   *  "With all this in mind, it becomes obvious why the most effective way to contain costs is to "right-size" the infrastructure to meet the needs of the population." Second: The distribution of healthcare must be unequal, because our needs are unequal.  Yet all of us are in the high-need group for at least part of our lives.   *  "At any one time, most of the health care dollar is spent on 10% of the population."  (75% of Vermonters spend less than $600 per year on healthcare, but 10% spend more than $35,000.)   *  "Most of the population (80%) uses very little care, so cost containment measures aimed at limiting utilization are not only inefficient, but ineffective." Third:  Patients, healthworkers, and business must decide together how much care we want:    *  "All of us will be in the group that consumes 70% of the care at one or many points in our lives."    *  "Ultimately the only thing we have in common is that we all want health care. That is where you should start.  Another common thread is we all agree health care costs too damn much." *  "To have high quality services available requires a certain volume of patients getting that care per year.  In other words, the people getting care now are keeping the bed warm for you.  Paying for the healthcare of the sick ensures that the hospital and other health care services will be there for you. "   *  "Since the most effective way to contain costs is to tailor the size of the infrastructure to the needs of the population, those making the decisions about the cuts might have to go without certain services if they cut too far.  This increases the chances of keeping a needed service in place."   *  "A decision to invest in services needs to be made by all of us in a public process.  We need to fully understand that when we need to make an investment, we also have to pay for that investment. "   *  "We as a society have to decide what health care services we all want, how much we want it and how much we are willing to pay." What conclusions can we draw from these statements? 1.) First, PNHP gives us an amazing and inspiring vision:  the vision of society as a family that collectively and consciously makes the commitment that its very young, very old, and very sick members will be supported by its healthy and productive members. You don't often seen this. This is really what the PNHP's principle of "Everybody in! Nobody out!" is all about. 2.)  The article is convincing in saying infrastructure reduction is the only effective way to reduce healthcare costs.  A corollary of this statement is that government would need to drive this process, because only the government has the power to restrain investment in healthcare infrastructure, which the hospital-insurer sector of the economy wants as a source of profits.  (Examples of this in the past were the Certificates of Need required for capital investment in health during the 1970s, and the 1995 UCSF Pew Health Policy Report recommending closing half of US hospital and hospital beds, closing 20% of medical schools, nursing programs etc.) 3.)  The article is convincing in saying that deep reductions in the health infrastructure could be made without badly hurting the majority of the population that is in relatively good health, but where the elderly, the sick, the frail, and the disabled would simply go without care. As we have seen,  Dr. Richter is clearly NOT advocating this, yet she shows that the possibility of doing this exists. (Some past examples where this WAS advocated were:  Colorado Governor Richard: Lamm's speeches saying the elderly have the duty to die to free up scarce resources (SF Chronicle, 3-29-84), and  the 1983 Journal of the American Medical Association articles "Health Care Technology and the Inevitability of Resource Allocation and Rationing Decisions" which said:  "The longer people live, the greater the likelihood that they will exhibit chronic disease, have subsequent disability, make use of new and expensive medical technology, and ultimately fall into the category of high-cost users of medical care. ... Only when society is fully able to come to grips with death and dying is it likely that policies and  procedures for decisions not to treat will not only will be formulated, but will also be followed. This period is likely to be hastened as financial constraints force the issue.") 4.)  If these two assumptions are correct,  (infrastructure reduction is the only effective way to control health costs, and there could be deep reductions in infrastructure that would only affect the frail and the sick), then proposing we partner with business in deciding how to "right-size" the health infrastrucure is dangerously naive. There will come a point where health costs have risen to the point where health care profits are too expensive to the rest of the economy, and the business community is ready to adapt single payer. But by the time this happens, the business community will want cost reductions far, far  beyond the savings of eliminating insurer profits and private payer bureaucracy.  Business is already in a quandary about how to care for 20 million new seniors with chronic diseases in the next decade. We need to be realistic about who makes decisions now.  The richest 1% has enough power to amass more wealth than the bottom 80%.  They are not about to give us the same health care as theirs without a fight that goes far beyond health politics and even electoral politics. They are not in the same boat as us.  Whatever they plan for our healthcare will not apply to them, any more than the violence un an unraveling society affects them in their gated communities. What would business' plan be?  This article makes a convincing case: business would  propose reducing the health infrastructure to something that would serve the basic needs of the healthy 80 % of the population. The high-using 20% among us, the old, sick, and frail, would simply go without care. Do you think business would not do that? In Gulf War I they destroyed the Iraqi water system and then prevented its reconstruction, killing a half million kids, all to protect their oil.  Why should our kids be more important?  Or our parents?  The only way to assure we get as good healthcare as the leaders of business is fight them, not partner with them. 5.)  We have a history of fighting.  The most significant social reform laws were passed because of the pressure of millions of people who worked and their families, in social upheavals that shook the foundations of government, and forced passage of Social Security and Unemployment Insurance in the 1930s, and Medicare and Medicaid in the 1960s.  We won Social Security and Unemployment during the Depression, when business and government could least afford it.  As PNPH's Brief History of Universal Healthcare points out ,"... the British and German systems were developed by the more conservative governments in power, specifically as a defense to counter expansion of the socialist and labor parties." 6.) We should all fight for high-quality, universal, comprehensive, single-tier, government-sponsored healthcare.   But we need to be realistic about identifying our friends and enemies. Michael Lyon mlyon01@comcast.net